Agencies and policies.
Agencies and policies.
Chapter 3. Towards an AC regime in bilateral DC
The main argument of this book is that donors perform well in fighting corruption when they cooperate. I argue that in this case, they would need to form an international regime to fight corruption in their partner countries and at home in a coordinated way. This would be in their own rational interest as it would secure that their ODA is used as effectively as possible. In this section, I examine if such a regime indeed exists. I start off by briefly explaining the idea of international regimes in general. I then continue to apply this theory to the field of this work. I use KRASNER'S definition of an international regime to show how the recent work of the donor community could be forming the basis of an AC regime in the making. I then continue to describe some basic rules and norms of this developing regime, based on key OECD/DAC documents. However, I do not address the question of compliance. Similar to BUKOWANSKY, I find the proposed regime still too young to judge its effectiveness. SANDHOLTZ and GRAY also do not speak about enforcement aspects in what they call not a regime but "the existence of international norms".A few words on regimes: In trying to theorize about international governance, scholars have developed the concept of international regimes in the late 1970s and early 1980s. These scholars were in fact looking to provide an alternative to neo-realist approaches that dominated IR at that time.
Thus, regime theory is distinct from neo-realism on the one hand and liberalism on the other. It can be described as part of a neo-institutionalist world view. One of the basic ideas behind this concept was to understand regimes as "something more than temporary arrangements that change with every shift in power or interests", that is distinct from one-shot agreements on the one hand and international organizations on the other. A first important use of the regime concept was the area of international trade, where scholars sought to explain how the economic institutions formed after World War II could be sustained in a time when the hegemonic USA were temporarily losing power. Later, the concept of regimes has been expanded to areas such as environment, communication and security.In a somewhat classical definition, KRASNER describes regimes as "sets of implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actors' expectations converge in a given area of international relations". KRASNER further defines principles as "beliefs of fact, causation, and rectitude", norms as "standards of behavior defined in terms of rights and obligations", rules as "specific prescriptions or proscriptions for actions" and decision-making procedures as "prevailing practices for making and implementing collective choice". Thus, principles and rules provide the normative framework for regimes, while rules and decision-making procedures provide specific injunctions for appropriate behaviour. KRASNER notes that "changes in rules and decision-making procedures are changes within regimes" whereas "changes in principles and norms are changes of the regime itself".Although the definition of regimes has been contested by some scholars, "the study of international regimes made an important contribution by supplementing the technical aspects of formal IOs with the norms and rules governing state behavior". The concept has been broadened and deepened since its first appearance in scholarly literature. The social-constructivist influences on the concept of regimes are particularly important. Constructivist scholars such as RISSE namely attacked one rationalist assumption of the regime theory: the fixed preferences of the actors. Constructivists rather argued that the preferences of the states can