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Running for Freedom Civil Rights and Black Politics in America since 1941 von Lawson, Steven F. (eBook)

  • Erscheinungsdatum: 05.09.2014
  • Verlag: Wiley-Blackwell
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Running for Freedom

Running for Freedom, Fourth Edition, updates historian Steven Lawson's classic volume detailing the history of African-American civil rights and black politics from the beginning of World War II to the present day. Offers comprehensive coverage of the African-American struggle for civil rights in the U.S. from 1941 to 2014 Integrates events relating to America's civil rights story at both the local and national levels Features new material on Obama's first term in office and the first year of his second term Includes addition of such timely issues as the Trayvon Martin case, the March on Washington 5oth anniversary, state voter suppression efforts, and Supreme Court ruling on Voting Rights Act Steven F. Lawson is Professor Emeritus at Rutgers University. He has served as an adviser to the television documentary series Eyes on the Prize and has participated as an historical consultant on voting rights cases. His publications include Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South, 1944–1969 (1976), In Pursuit of Power: Southern Blacks and Electoral Politics, 1965–1982 (1985), Civil Rights Crossroads: Nation, Community, and the Black Freedom Struggle (2003), and To Secure These Rights: The Report of President Harry S Truman's Committee on Civil Rights (2004).


    Format: ePUB
    Kopierschutz: AdobeDRM
    Seitenzahl: 464
    Erscheinungsdatum: 05.09.2014
    Sprache: Englisch
    ISBN: 9781118836569
    Verlag: Wiley-Blackwell
    Größe: 5530 kBytes
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Running for Freedom

World War II and the Origins of the Freedom Struggle

For African Americans, the ultimate aim of politics, either protest or electoral, has been liberation. Seeking emancipation from the bondage of white supremacy, disfranchised southern blacks challenged the political system for admission, even as they hoped to transform it by their participation. Civil rights proponents have long believed that blacks could not be free without obtaining the right to vote. At the turn of the century, W. E. B. Du Bois set the standard for rejecting racial solutions that excluded the exercise of the franchise. Attacking Booker T. Washington for his strategy of postponing black participation at the ballot box, Du Bois insisted that the right to vote was intimately connected to first-class citizenship. Without it blacks would never command respect, protect themselves, and feel pride in their own race. To Du Bois, a scholar of the freedom struggle after the Civil War, Reconstruction provided vivid evidence that black elected officials could transform the lives of their constituents. From this experience they derived the historical lesson, summarized by Eric Foner, that "it was in politics that blacks articulated a new vision of the American state, calling upon government, both national and local, to take upon itself new and unprecedented responsibilities for protecting the civil rights of individual citizens."

The long history to obtain the right to vote suggests that reenfranchisement was considered the decisive first step toward political equality. Civil rights proponents expected participation at the polls to yield the kinds of basic benefits that groups exercising the franchise customarily enjoyed. Yet, for black Americans, much more was at stake. With their systematic exclusion from the electoral process, the simple acquisition of the vote constituted an essential element of liberation from enforced racial subordination. The political scientist Charles V. Hamilton, who studied the voting rights struggle both as a participant and as a scholar, found this passion for the ballot very understandable. "White America had spent so much effort denying the vote to blacks," he observed, "that there was good reason to believe that they must be protecting some tool of vast importance. Perhaps it was reasonable to put so much emphasis on the one fundamental process that clearly distinguished first-class from second-class citizens."
Victory at Home and Abroad

Going off to war in the months after Pearl Harbor, black GIs might very well have pondered the connection between politics and freedom. They had many reasons to wonder about the principles of the democratic creed and their promise of first-class citizenship for all. Like their white counterparts they remembered December 7, 1941, when Dorie Miller, a black sailor, performed heroic deeds that would win him the Navy Cross; but they also carried with them the memory of Sikeston, Missouri, where on January 25, 1942, a black prisoner named Cleo Wright was taken out of the local jail and cruelly burned and lynched by a white mob. Unlike Japan and its Axis partners, which were eventually defeated on the battlefield and forced to accept unconditional surrender, the killers of Cleo Wright were never brought to justice. Helping to combat fascism abroad, black fighting men and the families they left behind also demanded unconditional surrender from the forces of racism at home. Blacks failed to persuade the American government to wage total war in their behalf, but they did lay the groundwork for continuing the battle in the decades to come.

This determination to stand up for their rights, strengthened by World War II, grew out of both disillusionment and optimism. In response to Woodrow Wilson's pledge during World War I to make the world safe for democracy, blacks had followed the advi

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